Methis. Studia humaniora Estonica 2018-04-21T13:29:14+03:00 Marin Laak Open Journal Systems <span style="font-size: small;">METHIS. STUDIA HUMANIORA ESTONICA on Tartu Ülikooli kultuuriteaduste ja kunstide instituudi j<span class="tabeltootajategrupeerimine1"><span style="font-weight: normal;">a </span></span>Eesti Kirjandusmuuseumi kultuuriloolise arhiivi ühisväljaanne, ilmumissagedusega kaks korda aastas (juuni ja detsember). Ajakiri on rahvusvahelise kolleegiumiga ja eelretsenseeritav</span> Regilaul tuulte pöörises. Eesti folkloristika poliitiliste muutuste ajajärgul 20. sajandi keskel / Regilaul in the whirlpool. Estonian folkloristics during the political changes in the middle of the 20th century 2018-04-21T13:29:13+03:00 Liina Saarlo <p>Artikli eesmärk on jälgida regilaulu kui Eesti folkloristika paraadžanri käekäiku Eesti sovetiseerimise ajajärgul 1940.–1950. aastatel ja selle kaudu eesti folkloristide kohandumisi muutuva teaduspoliitikaga. Kuna sõjajärgset Eestit võib lugeda koloniseerituks Nõukogude Liidu poolt, tuvastatakse sotskolonialismi tunnuseid Eesti sõjajärgses folkloristikas. Vaatluse alla võetakse regilaulu muutuv positsioon ametlikus retseptsioonis ning folkloristlikel välitöödel. Kuna nõukogude ajajärku esitatakse sageli eesti rahvakultuuri õitseajana, vaadeldakse lähemalt rahvaloomingu viljelemist harrastajate ja professionaalsete kunstnike tasemel, rahvusliku vormi sotsialistliku sisuga täitmist.</p><p> </p><p>The purpose of the paper is to follow how Estonian folklorists adapted changing science policy in the 1940s and 1950s, and how an elite genre of the Estonian folklore – <em>regilaul –  </em>was treated in the course of the Sovietization of Estonian humanities and cultural life.</p><p>There are several distinctive features of the Soviet colonization in the post-war Estonian folkloristics. First, an extensive reform of the organization of the academic institutions took place in annexed Estonia, following the example of organizational structures in Soviet Russia’s Academy of Sciences.</p><p>The most specific feature of the Soviet colonialism was the extremely strong dependence of the peripheries on the colonial centre. Academic life in Estonia was guided by the resolutions of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which were observed and monitored closely by local authorities at the plenary meetings of the Estonian Communist Party and further discussed at the meetings of local academic institutions. These discussions were followed by waves of reassessments, (self) criticism and repressions. Folklorists from the Baltic republics were supervised and “assisted” by Russian folklorists in terms of the methods of the Soviet folkloristics at the union-wide conferences held in Moscow, the Soviet colonial centre. Direct models were taken over to reorganize folkloristic fieldwork and research in the spirit of the new ideology.</p><p>The third specific feature of the Soviet colonialism was the adaption of Soviet pidgin, colonial discourse, which proliferated especially during the last years of the Stalinist era, from 1948 to 1953. Research in any discipline was limited by the Marxist method; any deflection in it was considered renegade and therefore punishable. In Estonian folkloristics, however, the mastering of the Marxist method comprised largely of clever usage of the colonists’ slogans and formulae, such as “bourgeois-nationalist”, “formalism”, “cosmopolitanism” versus “internationalism”, “objectivism”, and “anti-patriotic” etc. Oft-repeated labels carried no actual meaning; far from any rationale, they were rather formulaic weapons of fighting with enemies, tools of revaluing and (self) criticism. In the end of the 1950s, the use of most grievous lexis declined, but in general, the Soviet discourse was adapted.</p><p>The altering position of <em>regilaul</em> in the folkloristic writings and fieldwork is discussed in the paper. The last years of the Stalinism, the hierarchy of the folklore genres was turned upside down and classical folklore genres were marginalized because mainstream Soviet folkloristics were focused on contemporary “Soviet folklore” and amateur cultural activities. Estonian folklorists adapted the new reality expeditiously, implementing a sort of mimicry. Fieldwork was carried on in areas with vivid traditional culture, such as Setumaa and Kihnu Island, using the collection of Soviet folklore as pretext. Folklorists did not change their collecting methods and continued to collect traditional folklore genres. Examples of contemporary “folk creations” were documented randomly and unsystematically; all the more were these findings proudly brought before the public at the union-wide forums and in the local press. In these years, curiosa like eulogies to the Lenin and Stalin, collective farms and the Soviet Army in the form of regilaul were documented.</p><p>After the death of Stalin, Estonian folklorists returned to the classical folklore genres, though overemphasizing the motifs of “class struggle” and “heroism of the working crowds” in the old oral poetry.</p><p>Due to the existing  stereotypes regarding favouring ethnic minorities and folk culture under the Soviet regime,  the paper takes a closer look to the use of folklore or/and folk creations at both the amateur and professional level of cultural activities. Although Soviet propaganda hailed the blossoming of the folk cultural activities, not all branches of the folk culture were allowed to blossom. Certainly, “folk” and “national” cannot be seen as synonyms. The concept of folklore was blurred because of the parallel concept of folk creations, which included non-traditional cultural activities. Folklorists were forced to deal with amateur cultural activities. In the professional level, the slogan of “socialist content in national form” marked deterioration, simplification and impoverishment regarding means of artistic expression. Instead of folklore pieces, the national epic “Kalevipoeg” was used as an exemplary to the professional artistic creations. Because of sophisticated stylistic features and lyricist mood of <em>regilaul</em>, conflicting to the Soviet aesthetics, becoming inspired by the <em>regilaul</em> tradition was out of the question for artists of the Stalinist era. Enforced simplicity and conservatism caused innovation in literary and musical creations in 1960s, broadening the use of <em>regilaul</em> in professional culture.</p> 2017-11-30T16:49:20+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Privaatse ja avaliku dünaamikast hilisstalinismiaegses Eesti džässikultuuris / The dynamics of the private and the public in Estonian jazz culture of the late Stalinist era 2018-04-21T13:29:13+03:00 Heli Reimann <p>Käesolev Eesti hilisstalinismiaegset džässi käsitlev artikkel väidab, et dualistlik mudel <em>avalik/privaatne</em> on ebapiisav džässi kui kultuurilise praktika mõistmiseks nõukogude ühiskonnas ning vaatleb kultuuri toimivana kolmes sotsiaalses ruumis – avalikus, mitteformaalses avalikus ja privaatses. Avalikus riigipoolse kontrolli all olevas sfääris eksisteeris džässikultuur avalikus meedias ja riiklike džässorkestrite tegevuses. Mitteformaalses avalikus kultuuriruumis tegutsesid džässmuusika huvilistest koosnevad amatöörorkestrid. Kõige privaatsemana, avalikkuse eest suhteliselt varjatud kujul arenes džässikultuur fanaatikutest sõpruskondade seas, kes muusikat kuulasid ja selle üle teoretiseerisid; samuti oli privaatne muusikaliste oskuste omandamine mitteformaalse õppimise kaudu.</p><p> </p><p>The article aims to discuss the significance of jazz culture in Estonia during the late Stalinist era. In order to explicate the functioning of jazz as a cultural practice, the private/public division is employed while it is suggested that employing a ternary typology in which culture is seen as functioning in the public, the informal public and the private cultural spaces are best suited for conducting the analysis. The division makes it possible to: (1) show how jazz as a cultural practice functioned in Soviet sociocultural space; (2) to approach jazz culture as a whole, simultaneously creating a differentiation between different forms of jazz as a cultural practice; (3) to determine to which extent Soviet power succeeded in the regulation/ideologisation of jazz culture; and (4) to avoid a dualistic mode of thought that would oppose the private and the public.</p><p>Jazz culture existed in two forms in the state-controlled public sphere. One of them comprised the discourse of public media and the other consisted of state jazz orchestras. The discourse of public media is discussed on the basis of the articles that were published on the topic of jazz in the cultural weekly Sirp ja Vasar (Hammer and Sickle). It is in the journalistic discourse that the dynamics of the anti-jazz activities of the state authorities of the late Stalinist era appear as the most obvious; jazz gradually disappeared from the public scene as the political climate changed. In journalistic coverage, jazz was primarily turned into a tool of the ideological battle with the West that was led by pro-Soviet rhetoric and stayed separate from the actual music scene.</p><p>There were two state jazz orchestras during the period observed – the Jazz Orchestra of the Estonian State Philharmonic and the Jazz Orchestra of the Estonian Radio, and these functioned as part of the Soviet system of regulated and controlled cultural activities. The orchestras followed an all-Union pattern of institutionalisation according to which professional orchestras would be affiliated with local concert organisations and radio broadcasters. The sphere of activities of the orchestras was limited by their institutional affiliation. While the jazz orchestra of the philharmonic was a collective that mostly offered entertainment on all-Union concert tours, the Jazz Orchestra of the Radio was broadcast live twice a day in the 1940s. The orchestra reform that reflected the change in the ideological paradigm influenced the activities of both orchestras, bringing along changes in their names, repertoires and rosters.</p><p>The amateur orchestras active in the informal public sphere belonged to a cultural scene that was relatively less strictly regulated  in comparison with the public sphere. The activities of amateur orchestras were institutionalised as well – generally, they would be affiliated with an institution and were thus guaranteed space for rehearsals, some of the musical instruments and professional leadership. The orchestras were obliged to perform on state holidays and at events arranged by the host institution. Still, amateur collectives had a considerably greater freedom as concerned the organisation of their activities in the field of music. An important mode of activities was playing on dance nights; the moonlighting or <em>haltura</em> performances, as playing at dances was colloquially called by the musicians, constituted an important source of additional income for them. The activities of amateur orchestras were less strongly influenced by the changes related to the anti-jazz campaign of the late-1940s. Although obligatory ballroom dances were included, also “forbidden” pieces stayed in the repertoire; neither were saxophones excluded from among the orchestras’ instruments. Inventiveness, ritualization, humour and an ability to manoeuvre around in order to enact their musical goals were of vital importance in the daily lives of the musicians.</p><p>The example of the collective named Swing Club can illustrate the activities of musicians in the private sphere – among a circle of friends who were musicians and jazz fanatics. In a society that was anything but supportive of jazz, a microenvironment was built up in order to gain new knowledge and hone the existing skills in which discussions of music took place and musical experiments were made. Under the circumstances of Soviet scarcity, Estonian musicians had no access to records and radio and were the primary source of music. It was with the help of the radio that information was obtained about the latest trends in music and new repertoire was acquired. The main method of learning music was imitation, which is a typical mode of learning in the practice of jazz.</p><p>On the one hand, the ternary division of the private and the public enables us to see how jazz could exist in the Soviet sociocultural space; on the other hand, it makes it possible to approach jazz culture as a whole and speak of its different forms of manifestation. The journalistic discourse that traditionally should function as a reflection of and on the jazz scene rather turned into a mirror of the political situation under late Stalinism. Jazz became a tool in the battle against America and capitalism. As musical culture, jazz mostly appeared in two forms; as entertainment-oriented concert music and dance music. Considering the traditionally practical and theory-avoidant nature of both jazz as well as jazz musicians, Estonian jazz was exceptional due to the intellectualisation of the music in theoretical discussions. As an evidence of this tendency, the almanac of the Swing Club is a unique document that also deserves attention in a broader context of jazz history in general. </p><p>Late Stalinism can be considered politically the most intolerant period in Estonian jazz history, when disappearance was immanent for the whole of jazz culture. Yet this did not happen, as also shown in the present article. Although jazz had been virtually obliterated from the state-controlled public sphere by 1950, it still survived on the more private, less controlled cultural scenes. The thoughts of Ustus Agur expressed in an interview concerning the activities of the Swing Club in the late 1940s and early 1950s can serve as proof of this:</p><p>We were rehearsing underground in the very sense of the word. As luck would have it, the control was not strict and we never had to cross paths with the officials. The director of the Sakala House of Culture, Fred Raudberg, supported our activities. Although he was a communist and aware of what we were doing, he protected us and helped us to keep our activities in secret. And he was honest. He was red on the outside and white on the inside – ’a radish’ as we would say in those times.</p><p>The situation in which jazz had disappeared from the public scene, yet lived on in private spaces can be referred to as a Soviet paradox. Aleksei Yurchak speaks of Soviet life as a paradoxical simultaneous existence of positive and negative values (Yurchak 2006: 10). In the case of jazz, we can figuratively speak of its simultaneous existence and non-existence – although jazz was forbidden, it could not be silenced. </p> 2017-11-30T16:49:20+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Stalinismi „Teised“: Ilmi Kolla kui teisitimõtleja / Stalinism’s ”Others”: Ilmi Kolla as a dissenter 2018-04-21T13:29:12+03:00 Eve Annuk <p>Artikkel käsitleb luuletaja Ilmi Kolla (1933–1954) luulet stalinismiperioodi kontekstis kui vastupanu ajastu diskursiivsetele jõujoontele. Ilmi Kolla luuletuste enamikku ei olnud võimalik avaldada, sest need ei vastanud sotsialistliku realismi ja stalinliku ideoloogia nõuetele. Ka avaldamiseks vastu võetud tekstide puhul heitsid ajalehtede ja ajakirjade toimetused talle sageli ette luuletuste sobimatust kehtivate ideoloogiliste ja esteetiliste nõuetega. Selles mõttes võib Ilmi Kolla luulet näha sotsiaalse protestina, mis ei olnud küll otseselt selle eesmärgiga loodud, kuid mis toimis sellisel moel.</p><p> </p><div><p>The article analyzes the poetry of the Estonian writer Ilmi Kolla as the resistance toward the discursive hegemony of the Stalinist era. The dominant tenor of the Stalinist era was falsely optimistic, leaving no space for articulations of individual experiences and existential questions, the topics which were central for Ilmi Kolla’ poetry. The writers could not, in the Stalinist era, publicly oppose the ideological and social demands of Soviet rule. Instead, one could adapt the position of a passive dissenter; in the context of literary production, such a position could mean remaining silent (i.e. not publishing texts) or cultivating aesthetic practices which were out of touch with the official ideological demands of the era – this last option meant writing into the drawer.</p><p>During the Stalinist period in Estonian SSR, the only officially accepted method of creating literary texts was ‘socialist realism.’ The acceptance of this method suggested ideological conformism; indeed many authors conformed to the ideological demands of the era. Estonian literature of earlier periods was re-evaluated according to Stalinist ideological demands. In poetry, the newly-established demand for socialist realism prescribed the range of accepted topics; acceptable themes included war, building up the new socialist society, class struggle and the struggle for peace, and the worship of Stalin. Ideological emphasis was laid on the foregrounding of a collective viewpoint and communist values. However, there were several authors who did not conform to the pressure; the poetess Betti Alver, for example, did not publish any poems during the twenty postwar years.</p><p>Ideological education of authors became one of the cornerstones of producing the socialist realist works; of particular importance was guiding the literal production of young authors. This was arranged through the Writers Union, where advisers of prose and poetry were employed. Journal editors performed the same role and critical articles were published concerning the production of young authors. </p><p>As a young author, the position of Ilmi Kolla in the Soviet literary landscape was precarious because she hardly complied with requirements of socialist realism. Therefore, she failed to publish most of her poems. Kolla indeed tried to conform and wrote conforming poetry for earning income, but these poems often failed. Even poems which were accepted by the editorial board for publication were not considered ideological enough and were harshly criticized. </p><p>The central theme in Kolla’s poetry was individual and erotic love, instead of collective values demanded by socialist realism. Kolla’s poetry tended to have existential undertones and was tempered by a sense of sorrow. Such poetic modes were considered unacceptable in the context of Stalinism since these indicated a sense of human weakness, understood according to Stalinist ideology as lacking in optimism and yielding to negativity and decadent feelings. The most well known poem by Kolla, “Sorrowful moments” carries a sense of an approaching death; it focuses on an individual who loves and longs for the happiness, whose soul is sick and who is thinking about the transciense of life and about the appoaching death. This poem was published only after Kolla’s death in 1957 and then became widely read. The poem has been considered Kolla’s existential outcry; it has been interpreted as a turning point in the poetic practices of the period (Veidemann 2000). Many poems by Ilmi Kolla which she could not publish during her lifetime were distributed from hand to hand in a manuscript form after her death, impacting in this way the attitudes of many people. Readers have recalled how discovering the poetry of Kolla affected them strongly in the Stalinist atmosphere of the 1950s; many remember how Kolla’s poems became close to their hearts and were experienced in the context of the era as something extraordinary and out of sync with the official trends. A collection of Kolla’s poetry was published after her death in 1957, but the compiler Heljo Mänd has acknowledged that she did not dare to publish Kolla’s more spiritual poetry because of the fear of criticism. Since individualism was suppressed in the Soviet Union, the expression of poetic individualism can be understood as a form of dissent or opposition  (Hersch 2016). Therefore, the poetry of Ilmi Kolla can be seen as an opposition to Soviet rule and as a protest toward society which repressed individuality. In addition to Kolla’s poetry as a poetic dissent, her freeminded personality was also somewhat inappropriate in the Soviet system. As many other writers, Kolla teased the system, conformed where necessary, but also used the system in her own interests. The poetry of Ilmi Kolla can be understood as a social protest which was not directly created for the purpose of dissent, but which functioned in this way in the Stalinist and post-Stalinist society.</p></div> 2017-11-30T16:49:20+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Poliitiline esteetika ja selle empiirilised rakendused: nõukogude ühismajand kui spetsiifiline tajumaailm / Soviet Aesthetics and its Empirical Applications: the Collective Farm as a Specific Sensorium 2018-04-21T13:29:11+03:00 Margus Vihalem <p>Artikkel keskendub nõukogudeaegse, eriti stalinistliku perioodi ühismajandi mudeli põhjal</p><p>loodud spetsiifilise ruumi- ja ajakogemuse kirjeldusele ja analüüsile. Püüdes esile tuua mõningaid iseloomulikumaid jooni selles tajukogemuses, vaatleb artikkel ühismajandit ühelt poolt radikaalseid muutusi produtseeriva sotskolonialistliku tööriistana, teisalt aga uut inimtüüpi tootva seadena. Käesolev uurimus mõtestab vaadeldava nähtuse spetsiifikat eelkõige esteetiliste uuringute raames, keskendudes tajukogemuse poliitiliselt suunatud teisenemisele. Uurimus on osaliselt inspireeritud ka autori isiklikust lapsepõlvekogemusest hilise ühismajandi tingimustes, selle eesmärgiks oli jõuda mainitud sensooriumi tähenduslike elementide sidusama analüüsini, võttes aluseks tekstid, mis ühel või teisel viisil peegeldavad uuritava sensooriumi tingimusi. </p><p> </p><div><p>The article explores the specific sensorium of collective farms, especially kolkhozes, as they were created during the Soviet era in the countryside of occupied Estonia. It aims at examining the collective farm primarily not as an economic system, but as an aesthetic phenomenon and as a universal utopian model that served to translate the Marxist-Leninist ideology and its multiple implications into reality. It has to be emphasized that aesthetics is not defined here in the traditional meaning of referring to a set of aesthetic values, nor is it considered as referring to the arts, but is interpreted as referring etymologically to the experience of time and space, both individually and collectively.</p><p>During the World War II, as a result of the withdrawal of the Nazi army, Estonia was reoccupied by the Soviet army. Although some sovkhozes or state-owned farms were created already shortly after the beginning of the first period of occupation and annexation of Estonia by Soviet Russia in 1940, it was only in the late 1940s that it was decided by the party authorities to proceed to a rapid and massive forced collectivization that followed more or less the model already widely in use in the whole Soviet Union. The effects of the forced collectivisation, accompanied by a mass deportation that took place on March 1949, turned out to be extremely devastating for the local communities in Estonia. The forced collectivisation paved the way for radical changes of the whole sensorium.</p><p>Nevertheless, the article does not aim at establishing historical facts or bring new information concerning the systematic Sovietisation of the society, it rather tries to analyse the specific atmosphere that encompassed the human action. In order to examine the specific sensorium created in the collective farms of Soviet Estonia, the article makes use of some concepts borrowed from French theorists Henri Lefebvre and especially Jacques Rancière. Although neither Lefebvre nor Rancière have explicitly written about the Soviet system, it nevertheless appears that their concepts, for example that of production of space (and time) by Lefebvre or that of distribution of the sensible by Rancière are productive and relevant in elucidating the main features of the sense experience specific to the model of a collective farm. From the distribution and articulation of time and space to the ideologically determined modes of being that characterised the ordinary life of the workers in the early kolkhozes, the article attempts to determine the key features of what makes up the sensorium of collective farms. Undoubtedly, an important feature is a shift between the private and the collective; collective farms established a collective sensorium with its specific affective model, the private sphere of life being marginalised and controlled in most aspects. To illustrate the ideological pressure on society, it suffices to refer to the manifold utopian narratives, often naive and manipulative, which were spread systematically by party members, agitators and other proponents of collective farms. These utopian narratives attempted to convince everybody that kolkhozes stood at the forefront of modernisation and that their advantage over individual farming was self-evident.</p><p>It has to be emphasised that collective farms, especially kolkhozes, submitted to the rule of the communist party and served as tools of Soviet neo-colonialist politics that attempted to rapidly change not only the mode of economic production, but also to produce a new mode of reality that would conform to the predicaments of the Marxist-Leninist ideology. Moreover, individual subjects were also invited, within the strict ideological limits, to contribute to the production of this new reality. Thus the production of a new sensorium was in fact accompanied by the production of new subjectivities, a necessary element on the way towards the utopian future where social antagonism would be eliminated and happiness and prosperity would be accessible to all who would accept the ideological requirements of the Soviet power.</p><p>While shedding light on the transformations that took place within the complex sensorium of collective farms, this article argues that the sensorium of the collective farm played a crucial role in the Sovietisation of the whole society. Its establishment also functioned as a method of control that would exclude all deviations, thus contributing to the production of a new Soviet subjectivity.</p></div> 2017-11-30T16:49:20+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Nõukogulik või ebanõukogulik? Veel kord olmekirjanduse olemusest, tähendusest ja toimest / Soviet or Anti-Soviet? Once more on the nature, meaning, and function of 'everyday literature' 2018-04-21T13:29:10+03:00 Johanna Ross <div><p>Artiklis vaatlen olmekirjanduse nimelist nähtust – 1970. ja 1980. aastate vahetusel Nõukogude Eestis ilmunud romaane, mille keskseks teemaks olid kaasaegsed sugudevahelised suhted. Asetan olmekirjanduse kitsalt eesti kirjanduspildist laiemale, üleliidulisele taustale, mida kujundavad paljuski sotsioloogia areng ning selle keskajakirjanduslik kajastus. Muuhulgas sõna emantsipatsioon kasutuse kaudu teostes näitan romaanide käsitluslaadi vastavust kaasaegsele ajakirjanduslikule käsitluslaadile. Seeläbi paigutan romaanid ajakirjandusega ühte, „hilisnõukogude liberaalsesse kriitilisse diskursusse“, kus võim ja vastupanu, nõukogulikkus ja ebanõukogulikkus on tihedasti läbi põimunud.</p><p> </p><div><p>In this article, I examine a phenomenon known as 'everyday literature' (olmekirjandus)—novels published in Soviet Estonia at the turn of the 1970s—1980s. By name, these novels could be expected to depict contemporary everyday life, whereas they really focus on gender relations, marital and especially extramarital relationships. Contemporary criticism did not value such books highly; nevertheless, they stood out as a corpus and succeeded in evoking a discussion. In retrospect, everyday novels have been interpreted as a particular incarnation of light/lowbrow literature, as timid harbingers of postmodernism, and as proto-feminist works. While these interpretations all have their grounds, they operate in a narrower context of Estonian (national) literature. In this article, I set everyday novels on a wider background of the cultural situation in the contemporary Soviet Union.</p><p>This situation was heavily influenced by the rebirth of sociology and its reflections in print media. Having been banned meanwhile since the middle of the 1950s, sociology again became a permitted discipline in the Soviet Union. Among prominent areas of study were matters concerning the private sphere: family life and gender dynamics. That in turn gave rise to an extensive discussion of gender relations and “the woman question” in contemporary print media—in newspapers, culture magazines and popular science magazines. The discourse was one of sharp antagonism, tending to ridicule the state-endorsed slogan of women’s emancipation and gender equality, and to pit men and women against one another.</p><p>I argue that the vocabulary and the general approach of everyday novels closely corresponds to that of the print media, and acknowledging this allows for the most fruitful interpretation of these works. I demonstrate the close proximity of the novels to media accounts, describing the general problem settings of the novels and, more closely, the use of the very word 'emancipation' itself. Both novels and media texts feature the so-called emancipated woman and her (lacking) counterpart – either an irresponsible womanizer or a weak drunkard of a man. Neither male or female characters are content with the situation and while the blame may shift from one party to another, in novels as well as in media accounts, the phenomenon of emancipation itself is considered a negative, but most importantly, a ridiculous thing.</p><p>The corpus seems to have awoken opposite intuitions already in its contemporary audience. As most often the case with the literature of the Soviet era, a question of conformism and resistance, of Sovietness and anti-Sovietness has implicitly coloured the discussions of everyday literature. On the one hand, the novels were considered petty, taking on subjects familiar from print media and offering no new depths in their approach. The latter was perhaps most clearly expressed in a 1980 piece by Rein Veidemann that gives its name to the current article, “On the nature, meaning, and function of everyday literature”;  according to an exile Estonian reviewer’s ironic comment, everyday novels exemplified the truest socialist realism. On the other hand, they were read very widely and succeeded in stirring up a controversy, thus proving to be at least somewhat unconventional in the time and place of their publication. An evident reason are open references to sexual matters; however, it is not irrelevant that they touched upon the problems of changing gender relations, even if the analysis they offered did not satisfy the audience.</p><p>In addition to sketching out the general power relations of Soviet Russia and Soviet Estonia, and pointing out the influence of the central Soviet print media on Estonian culture, the framework of postcolonial studies emphasizes that Sovietness and anti-Sovietness does not have to be an either/or question—those seemingly opposite intuitions may well thrive side by side. Drawing a parallel between the novels and media texts among other things allows them to be placed within the 'late Soviet liberal critical discourse', a term used to describe the metaphor-laden media discourse of the 1970s—1980s Soviet Union. This discourse is simultaneously a locus of conformism and resistance, avoiding certain taboo subjects and displaying fiercely critical attitudes toward other, more “harmless” subjects as a manner of managing the dissatisfaction of the Soviet citizen; whereas “the woman question” has been argued to be namely one of such token subjects. Positioning the novels within the late Soviet liberal critical discourse similarly on the one hand blocks the interpretation of the novels as something unprecedented and, no less, subversive and dissident or even implicitly nationalist; on the other hand, it does not completely cut off their critical potential.</p></div></div> 2017-11-30T16:49:20+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Kammerlikust karmiks. Karm stiil nõukogude eesti rahvusliku kunsti delegaadina / Soviet Severe style as a representative of national particularities in Estonian art 2018-04-21T13:29:10+03:00 Kädi Talvoja <p>Tänapäeva Eesti kunstiajalookirjutuses kirjeldatakse rahvuslikku diskursust eelkõige nõukogude režiimile oponeeriva kaitsemehhanismina. Samas on see olnud üks olulisemaid märksõnu ka nõukogude kultuuripoliitikas. Artiklis käsitletaksegi rahvuslikkuse diskursuse muutumist sulaperioodi nõukogude kultuuripoliitikas ning vaadeldakse Hruštšovi ajajärgu ametlikuks kunstiks tituleeritud karmi stiili rolli eesti kunsti rahvuslike tunnuste määratlemisel 1960. aastate esimesel poolel Balti riikide ühiste nn esindusnäituste kontekstis.</p><p> </p><p>The article addresses the developments of national discourse in visual arts during the Thaw, exploring the role of Estonian version of the Severe style – an all-union phenomenon retrospectively labeled the “official” art of the Khrushchev period – in defining the national characteristics of Estonian art in the 1960s. </p><p>In Estonian post-Socialist art history writings on the Soviet era, the concept <em>national</em> has mostly been introduced as a defense mechanism against the regime, identified in art of the Thaw period first and foremost in reviving the impressionist qualities prominent in local prewar art. Nevertheless, the national question has also been one of the central concerns in Soviet cultural policy, undergoing quite remarkable changes over the time. Being suppressed during the Stalinist years, the clarification and cultivation of <em>national particularities</em> became one of the most important methods of de-Stalinization in visual arts after the 20<sup>th</sup> Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956. The critical revisions of the stiff division of cultural creations into “socialist content” and “national form” followed, seeing the national qualities manifesting itself also in substance of art works. This brought along the gradual reassessing of the great part of pre-Soviet artistic heritage. The main aim of the “nativization” or “(re-)nationalization”, however, was to reawake contemporary art, having been restrained by rigid restrictions of Stalinist socialist realism dogmas. Additionally, due to Khrushchev’s policy of opening up to the world, since the end of 1950s the rivalry with the West provided reason to modernize the visual language of Soviet art, and to mobilize on an anti-abstractionism front to establish a common (international) socialist contemporary artistic language. Consequently, the discussions about “contemporary style”, envisaging the qualities like publicist pathos, synthesis, expressiveness, laconism and monumentalism, overflew the cultural media. Around 1960 the new program of Soviet art evolution started to take form, being described as a “dialectic” process of simultaneous blossoming of national cultures and internationalization (drawing together the cultures of Soviet nations).</p><p>In the visual arts, the characteristics of “contemporary style” related most closely with the attributes of Severe style, especially in the so called thematical pictures (figurative compositions on the “important” subject). Most prominent schools of the style emerged in the end of 1950s-early 1960s in Moscow and Riga, but similar features were quite strongly visible in Estonian art of the era as well. Although since the 1990s the Estonian art history studies have seen the phenomenon as being more foreign than intrinsic to Estonian art, I argue that the local version of “international” Severe style had an impact on the perception of Estonianness in the 1960s. As back then the topic of <em>national particularities</em> was addressed most profoundly in relation to representative exhibitions, especially those providing possibilities of comparing the different national schools, in the article the reception of  joint exhibitions of Baltic art (the 1959 exhibition and conference of Baltic Thematic Painting in Tallinn and the 1960 and 1966 anniversary art exhibitions of 20 and 25 years of Soviet Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in Moscow) are analyzed.</p><p>It appears that in the end of 1950s and early 1960s it was Latvian large scale Severe styled thematic paintings that overshadowed the Lithuanian and Estonian art, lacking proper thematic compositions. Estonian art was criticized for being too modest and reserved, even cold. Its intimate format and restrained mood were not considered that much national particularities as shortcomings. However, the mid-1960s brought changes. Inspired by Latvian success, Severe style established itself more strongly in Estonian art as well, providing quite a few thematic compositions (still rather small in size). What’s more, the discussions on “contemporary style” found a new format to elaborate – monumental art –, allowing to reinstate the specific qualities of panel painting. Respectively the reception of the 1966 joint exhibition of Baltic art in Moscow was very favourable to Estonian school: its intimate format was now praised for being honest, its ascetism no longer associated with poorness. The school was characterized by a severity, its unique, emotional intellectuality. Accordingly one could claim that it was in large part thanks to the “international” Severe style that the most important features of Estonian art – restraint and reticence – were officially approved and coldness became valued and re-termed <em>severity</em>. The case of Severe style quite well demonstrates how the <em>nationalization</em> of art worked concurrently as a tool of sovetization. As the authoritative assessments had a strong impact on the self-descriptions of the Estonian school, it is rather impossible in retrospect to distinguish the <em>defensive</em> nationality from the soviet national discourse.</p> 2017-11-30T16:49:20+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Ma tõstan klaasi vene rahva terviseks: sotskolonialismi diskursiivsed alustalad / I propose a toast to the Russian people: discursive foundations of Soviet colonialism 2018-04-21T13:29:14+03:00 Epp Annus . 2017-11-30T16:49:20+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Postkolonialism ja 20. sajandi Balti draama: Benedikts Kalnačsi monograafiast „20th Century Baltic Drama: Postcolonial Narratives, Decolonial Options“ / Postcolonialism and 20th Century Baltic Drama: about the monograph by Benedikts Kalnačs, 20th Century Baltic Drama: Postcolonial Narratives, Decolonial Options 2018-04-21T13:29:08+03:00 Luule Epner . 2017-11-30T16:49:20+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement##